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| Overall Assessment |
Comment |
Score |
| Strong |
Saipem provides a generally clear picture of its climate-policy engagement. It identifies concrete policy processes it has tried to influence, notably the “Italian Hydrogen Strategy” – where it says it took part in government consultations – and the “National Plan for Energy and Climate 2030,” giving readers enough detail to recognise each initiative and demonstrating that these are priority files for the company. The company also opens the black box of how it engages: it refers to participation in parliamentary hearings, formal consultations, working groups and international round tables, and it names specific decision-makers such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of the Environment and Energy Security, and the Ministry of Business and Made in Italy. In addition, it explains that it works through trade associations, highlighting memberships in H2IT and the newly created AERO, and describes collaboration with the Italian diplomatic network—together amounting to multiple direct and indirect mechanisms aimed at policymakers. Finally, Saipem sets out the objectives it pursues, stating that it wants to “promote the development of an Italian supply chain for offshore renewables” via AERO and to help “define the main elements of the Italian hydrogen strategy” through its role in H2IT, while steering associations towards positions consistent with the Paris Agreement. This combination of named policy files, detailed channels of influence and stated policy goals shows a strong level of transparency, although many of the desired outcomes are framed at a high level rather than as precise legislative changes.
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3
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| Overall Assessment |
Comment |
Score |
| Moderate |
Saipem SpA demonstrates a moderate governance framework for climate-related lobbying, focused on its indirect activities through trade and business associations while disclosing no direct lobbying oversight. Since 2023, the company has published a “Climate Policy Alignment” document to “evaluate the contribution to climate advocacy activities through active participation in trade associations,” and it subjects “every membership (renewal or new subscription) ... to an internal process of approval that implies a due diligence ... and ... the final approval of top management” with “continuous monitoring ... in order to guarantee that this activity is in line with our targets and have a positive impact for our company.” The Public Affairs function is identified as responsible for institutional dialogue, “guaranteeing uniform and coherent relational strategies and communication to external parties.” Saipem assesses 23 associations against seven pillars including “support to the goals of the Paris Agreement to achieve Net Zero by 2050” and “role of energy transition energies, in particular natural gas,” finding 21 aligned and two “partially aligned” and committing to “proactively engage with other members in order to drive and influence each entity’s positions towards a more positive vision.” However, the company reports that “Saipem did not engage in direct lobby with relevant institutional stakeholders,” and it does not disclose a specific individual or dedicated committee to oversee climate lobbying alignment, nor has it published an independent audit or report of its climate lobbying activities. This indicates that while Saipem has established a clear process for monitoring and aligning its indirect lobbying via associations, it lacks transparency on direct lobbying governance and formal oversight structures for climate-specific advocacy.
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2
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